There
are far fewer ways an absolute ruler can properly assume sovereignty
than in governments of distributed political power. If you’re looking
for a systemic reason to like absolutism, I think this is it: That ruler
untangles the web of hierarchy and obligation, formal and informal, and
sets it anew starting from himself.
There
are countless examples in history of complex systems of aristocratic
and literate elite castes crashing and burning upon encountering
external pressures. But really—it’s just better, isn’t it? I don’t want
to be ruled by a bunch of nerds and rich people. I want a king. At the
end of the day, every single person within a state must reckon with
who’s in charge and what that means for them. The commoner doesn’t have
time for nuance in this, and any uncertainty is bound to afflict him
with fear and doubt. For the elite, it’s a siren’s call, and the
temptation will tear at his soul.
That being said, let’s take a look at the ways I see an absolute ruler taking the throne: succession, usurpation, and conquest.
In
the case of succession, an absolute ruler receives his sovereignty
directly from an equally absolute predecessor. Note that this is the
natural order of things—the old leader picks a new one, and everyone
continues to go about their regular business. The key here is assertion.
Upon loss of the previous leader, the “who’s in charge” question
springs anew to the forefront of the mind. In the event of succession,
the question comes in the form of challenge, and we are well attuned to
sniff out any wavering in self-confidence.
How
does the new king overcome the challenge? Before all else, he must be
worthy. This worthiness is one of the mysteries within us, and its
manifestations are as various as they are elusive. The only measure to
be had is in observation: No unworthy ruler has ever attained absolute
rule.
Perhaps, then, there is some
measure to be gained in practice. In times of true succession (as true
as they can come, anyway), it appears very little tends to change. To
imprudently test the limits of power with sweeping decrees and
hell-bound conquest is to reveal weakness. Others will take notice, and
they will find an opportunity to take advantage. On the other hand, many
kings have misjudged the seat which they inherited, lulled into
complacency by times of plenty, only to realize at the moment of crisis
that his power had left him long ago—if he had ever held it in the first
place. How to know, without upsetting that delicate balance of question
and answer? It takes some keen insight, to be sure.
Suppose,
then, that a newly crowned king rightfully comes to know that the seat
of power is shared and sees fit to regather sovereignty at its center.
His is a specific case of the more general category, usurpation. The
defining characteristic here is a would-be absolute ruler consolidating
sovereignty within himself.
Again,
the positions which the would-be ruler finds himself at the outset are
innumerable, and each of them incur a unique set of perilous challenges.
They all require a political deftness in the coercion of those holding
the distributed powers. Who does he ally with, and who does he destroy?
He might find some or all statesmen quite eager to step away from the
obligations of sovereignty, but perhaps not. The temptations of power
injure lesser men, and their manifestations take many strange shapes; a
capable usurper is a detective and a healer of souls.
What
if he arrives at the conclusion that there is no way to unravel the
mess left in the hands of the state? He would do well to consider his
fitness for the task, and if he sees another of greater capability,
support his endeavors. In doing so, he heals his own injuries.
There
are perilous times in which no man sees any means to assume sovereignty
within his state and has no choice but to start his own—ours is such a
time, I gather, but there have been many before it, and I have no reason
to believe there won’t be any after. Those who succeed do so by way of
conquest. Whether he resolves to first establish sovereignty of part or
whole of an established state (or another land entirely), he uses
military force to do so. The primary challenge facing the aspirant ruler
of this sort is dexterous balance of the roles of commander and
sovereign. His subordinates in either role have different, often
opposing reasons for accepting his orders. The conqueror must be as or
more prepared with an answer for state as he is with war, or else his
borders dissolve by the hands that forged them. Does he want to be king,
or does he want victory in battle? If the former isn’t his foremost
drive, he should find another, and pledge his army to him.
Recognizing
the dizzying complexity of assumption, however, is not an indictment of
subjecting ourselves to the absolute ruler’s capacity to navigate it.
The underlying causes of them remain all the same if it’s one ruler or a
million; all that changes is that every new ruler added is another set
of rigorous conditions for success. How clever do we think we are, that
we attempt to bend our own natures to our will? If there's an
empirically reproducible balance of power aside from absolute rule, I've
yet to see it. Such grave matters of government are best left to the
best among us. These are all personal issues for whoever that is, and we
would be better off not having to worry about them.
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